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Institutions, David Lisnard

Voting system for legislative elections: Does not see full proportional representation as a remedy

Direction of change: unchanged, compared with current law.

The lever. How MPs are elected: current majority voting system, full or partial proportional representation. Direction rule: ↑ larger share of proportional representation.

« Ils veulent réformer le mode de scrutin, introduire la proportionnelle intégrale, affaiblir l’exécutif, renforcer le Parlement. Ils croient que le problème vient de l’architecture constitutionnelle et que modifier les règles du jeu suffira à restaurer la gouvernabilité. C’est une erreur. »1

Translation by the editorsThey want to reform the voting system, introduce full proportional representation, weaken the executive, strengthen Parliament. They believe the problem lies in the constitutional architecture and that changing the rules of the game will be enough to restore governability. That is a mistake.

Words of David Lisnard, L’Opinion, chronique (reprise sur unenouvelleenergie.fr), 9 October 2025. Position taken from public statements, not from a written programme.

Encoding

No cost-schedule parameter for this position: see the costing for the reason.

Costing

Announced by the candidate

not announced

The cited source does not cost this measure.

Published costings

none

No external costing of this position recorded to date.

Our calculation

lever that cannot be costed

Lever with no coefficient in the cost schedule: the position is compared, not costed.

Current law, sources and limits of the cost schedule

Current law. At most 577 MPs (Constitution, art. 24 para. 3), elected by single-member two-round majority vote in each constituency (Code électoral, art. L123). This voting system falls under ordinary law: proportional representation (full or partial) does not require a revision of the Constitution.

Horizon. Not applicable.

Limits. No budgetary effect of its own: changing the voting system does not alter the cost of an election (€171.49m for the 2024 legislative elections under programme 232, €164.47m for those of 2022, given as an order of magnitude, useful only if a measure adds a vote).

How to read these amounts. These are static costs and revenues, with no feedback effect, over a full year: nothing on growth, employment or the revenue that economic activity would gain or lose. A higher net cost does not on its own make a worse policy, nor net savings a better one: each programme rests on an economic model (demand-led stimulus, lower compulsory levies, consolidation of the public accounts…) that the cost schedule does not settle. GDP itself measures a volume of activity, not well-being or the usefulness of what is produced. Economic models and feedback effects.

  1. L’Opinion, chronique (reprise sur unenouvelleenergie.fr), 9 October 2025. Words of David Lisnard. Position taken from public statements, not from a written programme. Read the source (L’Opinion, chronique (reprise sur unenouvelleenergie.fr)).

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